WHITE SQUATTERS IN SOUTH AFRICA: HOW “EQUALITY” DID NOT ENHANCE BLACK IMPOVERISHMENT- BUT RATHER IMPOVERISH WHITES TO THE SAME “EQUAL” LEVEL AS BLACK SQUATTERS.

 

 

 

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Article compiled  by: White Nation correspondent Potchefstroom July 15  2017

 

 

SOUTH AFRICA– FAILED LAND OF COMMUNIST ANC ORGANIZED CRIME ,LIBFARTS, UNION CHAOS , MISDIRECTED RAINBOW MONKEYS – AND WHITE GENOCIDE

 

 

” My God, My Anchor – I’m walking this morning from the place where it was Sarie’s turn to bury her child, here in the camp, on July 10, 2010. Will anyone ever know or remember little Jana was also for a while, a full 16 months here on earth, or does it mean you’re poor and you’re just kidding cold, that does not matter and that life But just have to go without you without missing you or losing a hole? In Sarie’s heart, her child’s death left a hole forever. The winter caught us this year. Oh, Lord, why am I here? Why was my life and my children and my whole existence summed up in a dirty, muted tent of exhausted and rotten stuff?” (Link) 

 

A QUARTER of a century ago black South Africans and  most whites lived the good life in “apartheid” -era South Africa. Nelson Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and four years later he took over as President from thetreacherous       F W De Klerk and the pair shared the Nobel Peace Prize.

“Equality” by the ANC regime brought a strange new dispensation to South Africa- blacks became richer and whites became poorer- while the ANC regime became more corrupt. “Equality” under the communist regime also failed miserable- as it never enhanced the living standards of blacks to the level of whites- but rather downgraded the level of whites to the impoverished state of blacks. While the black South African middle class has grown and many live in big houses, with swimming pools and drive around in BMWs like their white peers due to racist BEEE laws; many poor whites live in squalid squatter camps just like their black peers due to multiple job losses due to naked discrimination against whites in the job market.

Jeanine Maritz, 13, stands down the road from her mother's makeshift home. She lives with her father and visits her mother and aunt in Munsieville squatter camp on weekends and holidays

Jeanine Maritz, 13, stands down the road from her mother’s makeshift home. She lives with her father and visits her mother and aunt in Munsieville squatter camp on weekends and holidays

Photographer Jacques Nelles has captured the life of a poor white community with these images taken in the Munsieville township, west of Johannesburg.  Around 400 000 of the 4.5 million white South Africans are thought to live in poverty, which equates to 9 per cent.  But 63.2 per cent of the country’s 43 million black South Africans also live in poverty and around 37 per cent of ‘coloreds’ – people of mixed race. This gives us roughly 47% of the South African population that lives in poverty- and that is under the so-called “New Democracy” the liberal media and political parties boast about. It is a damn shame to even mention it. During “apartheid” the percentage jobless people were a mere estimated 11%. 

Chillo (pictured) repairs broken mobile phones to afford his drug habit. He recently some time in prison and only stays in Munsieville when his girlfriend's husband is away

Chillo (pictured) repairs broken mobile phones to afford his drug habit. He recently done some time in prison and only stays in Munsieville when his girlfriend’s husband is away

The white squatter camp in Munsieville is one of 80 across South Africa. It is built on the site of an old dumping ground and is home to around 300 people, of which a quarter are children. Those living here survive on around 700 rand (£40) a month. Most of the people here are Afrikaans-speakers, descendants of the Dutch settlers who landed on the Cape of Good Hope in the 17th century.  Around 60 per cent of white South Africans are Afrikaans. Just over a century ago their grandfathers or great-grandfathers, known as “Boers,”-  were engaged in a bloody war with the British Empire when the British want to steal the diamond and gold fields in South Africa. The word “Boer “ means ‘farmer‘ in Dutch and while some of the Munsieville camp dwellers have come here after abandoning farms in the countryside, the majority have come here from cities like Johannesburg and Pretoria.

Irene Van Niekerk washes her clothes in a bucket as her daughter tries to calm down her crying grandson in the background. To many residents, Irene is the community leader and she and her husband Hugo try and keep order in the small community

Irene Van Niekerk washes her clothes in a bucket as her daughter tries to calm down her crying grandson in the background. To many residents, Irene is the community leader and she and her husband Hugo try and keep order in the small community.
The camp is just outside the town of Munsieville – which is about 98 per cent black – which was named after James Munsie, a sanitation inspector. Ironically here there is very basic sanitation, and no running water apart from a couple of standpipes, no secure structures, no electricity and little food. Houses are typically built with bare earth floors, but frequent floods wash away the topsoil and leave decades-old waste exposed. Hospitals refuse residents care and those living at the camp are regularly rebuffed by potential employers at job interviews.

Jannie Geldenhuys tends to his garden. He grows fruit and vegetables that he and his partner Sussana eat, saving costs on groceries each month. They live off of Jannie's state pension and Sussana's disability fund 

Jannie Geldenhuys tends to his garden. He grows fruit and vegetables that he and his partner Sussana eat, saving costs on groceries each month. They live off of Jannie’s state pension and Sussana’s disability fund 

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A once proud South African Defense Force- now turned into a pathetic pile of  rubble – with many of it’s former heroic white soldiers dumped by the vindictive communist ANC into impoverished squatter camps.

In the “apartheid “ era many less educated white South Africans got jobs in the police, where they took part in the wars in Angola and what is now Namibia.  The South African Defence Force – which had 82,000 men under arms in 1986 – was disbanded in 1994. The South African Army now has half that many men, and the majority are black.  The boot is well and truly on the other foot and few white South Africans relish a career in the armed forces. The number of white South Africans has fallen dramatically in recent years as some emigrate to New Zealand and Australia. The white pride was broken by FW DE Klerk and his treacherous cronies.

A picture of Jannie Geldenhuys' son hangs in his hut. He has not seen his son for many years since he is unwilling to speak to his father and has moved overseas

A picture of Jannie Geldenhuys’ son hangs in his hut. He has not seen his son for many years since he is unwilling to speak to his father and has moved overseas

Mr Nelles told Mail Online: ‘The people I met mostly live off of disability funds from the government and they receive lots of sponsorship in terms of foods and other groceries from charities.‘ He said: ‘Many of the people I spoke to felt they were in this situation because of their own doing and cannot see a way out.  ‘They keep feeding off of the charity they receive and there is a sense of them thinking they are entitled to it, that the system after apartheid has belittled them and therefore they can justify sitting back and receiving things from charity.’ Mr Nelles said: ‘Many of them also beg on street corners, most of them smoke and consume alcohol regularly and fail to see that they could rather have spent their meagre income on more useful things.’ He said: ‘Some of the residents I spoke to also seemed genuinely happy and okay with the circumstances they are in. There is a sense of community among the residents, mostly because of the similarities in culture and understanding of who they are in the bigger picture.’ 

Andre Coetzee spends his time digging through the dumpsite by the entrance to the squatter camp, he finds items that he spends time refurbishing with the idea of selling it, he hopes to get free food from Irene on a daily basis as he and his wife have both lost their ID documents and cannot claim welfare benefits

Andre Coetzee spends his time digging through the dumpsite by the entrance to the squatter camp, he finds items that he spends time refurbishing with the idea of selling it, he hopes to get free food from Irene on a daily basis as he and his wife have both lost their ID documents and cannot claim welfare benefits

Mr Nelles said: ‘To me it seemed very much like a friendly township, similar to any black township I’ve been to.’ He said: ‘I was mostly affected by the amount of children I saw, living in squalor. It saddens me to think they might never leave this level of poverty and will remain living in this situation for the rest of their lives.  ‘The children reminds me of any white kids I’ve met, even kids in affluent suburbs, playing outside spending their days in the sun. They dont seem to understand they are poor, or are ignorant to what life is like outside Munsieville.’ He said few of the residents were interested in politics.   White South African community battle poverty and unemployment.

Children play in the weeds growing by the edges of the white squatter camp. A quarter those in the camp are children

Children play in the weeds growing by the edges of the white squatter camp. A quarter those in the camp are children

Larriaune Cosmo kisses her pet bird Polly. Larriaune suffers from bipolar disorder, she is unable to afford her much needed medication, and her state disability income does not cover all of her medicinal needs. She lives with her husband Marius who works night shifts as a security guard at a shopping centre

Larriaune Cosmo kisses her pet bird Polly. Larriaune suffers from bipolar disorder, she is unable to afford her much needed medication, and her state disability income does not cover all of her medicinal needs. She lives with her husband Marius who works night shifts as a security guard at a shopping center

Pierre Potgieter (pictured) spends most of his free time tending his garden. He lives off of his state pension. In the squatter camp he does not need to pay rent or utilities. He cannot afford to live anywhere else

Pierre Potgieter (pictured) spends most of his free time tending his garden. He lives off of his state pension. In the squatter camp he does not need to pay rent or utilities. He cannot afford to live anywhere else

Children play under a makeshift bridge near the refuse dump by the entrance of the white squatter camp

Children play under a makeshift bridge near the refuse dump by the entrance of the white squatter camp

Jan (pictured) lives next to the edge of the white squatter camp. Previously police have evicted black residents living on the border of the white squatter camp, but to no avail as many have just moved back

Jan (pictured) lives next to the edge of the white squatter camp. Previously police have evicted black residents living on the border of the white squatter camp, but to no avail as many have just moved back

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BUT HOW DID IT COME ABOUT THAT THE WHITE PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA WAS DESTROYED TO BEGGAR STATUS IN 20 SHORT YEARS?

Yes, it has happened!  A mere 23 years after the 1994 transition, in South Africa, to raw ripe democracy, six years following the publication of a wide-ranging analysis of that catastrophe, Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from Post-Apartheid South Africa, a Beltway libertarian think tank has convened to address the problem that is South Africa.

The reference is to a CATO “Policy Forum,” euphemized as “South Africa at a Crossroad.” One of the individuals to headline the “Forum” is Princeton Lyman, described in a CATO email tease as having “served as the U.S. Ambassador to South Africa at the time of the transfer of power from white minority to black majority.” At the “Forum,” former ambassador Lyman was to discuss “America’s original hopes for a new South Africa and the extent to which America’s expectations have been left unfulfilled.” (Italics added.)

The chutzpah!

The CATO Institute’s disappointment in the South Africa the United States helped bring about is nothing compared to the depredations suffered by white South Africans, due to America’s insistence that their country pass into the hands of a voracious majority. Unwise South African National Party leaders acquiesced. Federalism was discounted. Minority rights for the Afrikaner, Anglo and Zulu were dismissed.

Aborted Attempts at South African Decentralization

This audacity of empire is covered in a self-explanatory chapter of Into the Cannibal’s Pot, titled “The Anglo-American Axis of Evil,” in which Lyman makes a cameo. (It’s not flattering.) From the comfort of the CATO headquarters, in 2017, the former ambassador will also be pondering whether “growing opposition will remove the African National Congress [ANC] from power.” The mindset of the DC establishment, CATO libertarians included, has it that changing the guard—replacing one strongman with another—will fix South Africa, or any other of the sites of American foreign-policy interventions.

So, what exactly did Princeton Nathan Lyman do on behalf of America in South Africa? Or, more precisely, who did he sideline?

Ronald Reagan, who favored “constructive engagement” with South Africa, foresaw the chaos and carnage of an abrupt transition of power. So did the South Africans Fredrick van Zyl Slabbert, (he died in May 2010), and Dr. Mangosuthu Buthelezi. The first was leader of the opposition Progressive Federal Party, who, alongside the late, intrepid Helen Suzman became the PFP’s chief critic of Nationalist policy (namely Apartheid). The second was Chief Minister of the KwaZulu homeland and leader of the Zulu people and their Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). At the time, Buthelezi was the only black leader with any mass following who could act as a counter to the ANC. These men were not “lunch-pail liberals” from the West, but indigenous, classical liberal Africans—one white, one black—who understood and loved the country of their ancestors and wished to safeguard it for their posterity.

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Mangosuthu Buthelezi- never trusted the Americans.

Both Buthelezi and Slabbert had applied their astringent minds to power-sharing constitutional dispensations. Both leaders were bright enough to recognize “democracy ” for the disaster it would bring to a country as divided as theirs; they understood that “a mass-based black party that received enough votes could avoid having to enter into a coalition and could sweep aside the minority vote.” Thus, Buthelezi espoused a multi-racial, decentralized federation, in which “elites of the various groups” would “agree to share executive power and abide by a system of mutual vetoes and spheres of communal autonomy.” Paramount to Buthelezi was “the preservation of the rights of cultural groups and the protection of minorities.” Slabbert studied a “new system that entrenched individual rights, encouraged power-sharing through a grand coalition of black and white parties, and gave a veto right to minorities in crucial issues.”

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Van Zyl Slabbert- at first promoter of power-sharing but later capitulated to the ANC doctines.

Although he eventually threw his intellectual heft behind simple majority rule, in better days, Slabbert had spoken with circumspection about “unrestrained majoritarianism,” expressing the eminently educated opinion that, were majority rule to be made an inevitable corollary of South Africa’s political system, the outcomes would be severely undemocratic. It’s worth considering that even Zimbabwe for its first seven, fat years of independence, allowed “white members of parliament [to be] elected on a special roll to represent white interests.”

Washington Destroyed South African Federalism Before It Began

In his tome, Partner to History: The US Role in South Africa’s Transition to Democracy (2002), Princeton Lyman, the American Ambassador to South Africa from 1992 to 1995, records the active role Americans performed in the transition to “democracy, ” –especially in “dissuading spoilers”—the author’s pejorative, it would appear, for perfectly legitimate partners to the negotiations. One such partner, introduced above, was Buthelezi; another was military hero and former chief of the Defense Force, Constand Viljoen.

Avoid “wrecking the process”: This ultimatum was the message transmitted to the Afrikaner general and the African gentleman, loud and clear. The United States, with Lyman in the lead, failed to lean on the African National Congress (Nelson Mandela’s goons) to accommodate a federal structure. It promised merely to” hold a future South African government to its “pre-election commitments, “ including shared power and the “protection of minorities.” Until then, the skeptical Buthelezi was instructed to “trust the ANC to relinquish the requisite power.”  Enraged, Buthelezi threatened to take his case to the American people and “spotlight” the knavish confederacy between their government and the ANC. (Then, Republicans were generally with Buthelezi, Democrats with the ANC. These days, both parties are with the ANC.) Being the man Prime Minister F. W. de Klerk was not, Buthelezi rejected the pressure and overtures from the West. “I am utterly sick of being told how wrong I am by a world out there,” he wrote to Lyman. The dispensation being hatched was “an instrument for the annihilation of KwaZulu.”

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Constant Viljoen- brilliant strategist- also turned against his own people in exchange for  political power.

Viljoen, who represented the hardliner Afrikaners and the security forces, believed de Klerk had abdicated his responsibilities to this electorate. He planned on leading a coalition that would have deposed the freelancing de Klerk and negotiated for an Afrikaner ethnic state. Likewise, Buthelezi, whose championship of self-determination had been denied, was fed up to the back teeth with being sidelined. He and his Zulu impis (warriors) were every bit as fractious as Viljoen; every bit as willing to fight for their rightful corner of the African Eden. For setting his sights on sovereignty, the Zulu royal and his following (close on twenty percent of the population) were condemned as reactionaries by the West (and by CATO’s point person).

Hardly a dog of an American commentator missed the opportunity to lift his leg in protest against Buthelezi, for making common cause with Afrikaner decentralists and against the ANC. “Wreckers” is how the gray eminence of American newspapers—The New York Times, also known as “Pravda on the Hudson”—dubbed the two leaders and the millions whom they represented. The two, alleged the Times in a 1994 editorial, were locked in an “unscrupulous alliance to disrupt the first elections in South Africa in which all races will have a vote.” Following the might-makes-right maxim—and committing a non sequitur in the process—Times editorialists demanded that the leaders of these African and Afrikaner ethnic minorities relinquish demands for sovereign status because their political power was at best “anemic.” Meanwhile the Times dismissed Buthelezi as a “puppet in Pretoria’s blackface minstrelsy.”

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Chester Crocker-  main American handler of the treacherous Pik Botha.

This was drivel. Buthelezi, a crafty leader who had rejected “the ignoble independence accorded to other homelands” within apartheid’s framework, was never a collaborator. Understand: For two centuries Africans and Afrikaners had been clashing and alternately collaborating on the continent. Shaka (1787–1828), Dingane (1795–1840), Mpande (1798–1872), Cetshwayo (1826–1884)—Buthelezi was heir to these Zulu kings who had been wheeling, dealing, and warring with Boers well before the inception of The New York Times.

Masters of mass mobilization, the ANC used the political tinderbox ignited in the ramp-up to the first democratic elections to great effect in discrediting the security forces, and claiming that the apartheid government was fomenting the intra-ethnic violence between Inkatha (Zulu) and the ANC (Xhosa). But while the ANC accused the security forces of arming Inkatha, the latter faction blamed the security forces for allying themselves with the ANC, especially when Zulu hostels and squatter camps were raided in response to ANC pressure. For the National Party government, the ongoing ethnic conflict was a lose-lose proposition. But not for the savvy ANC.

Henry Kissinger– the Jew behind De Klerk’s capitulation and the hand over of South Africa to black communism . He also bullied Ian Smith into handing over Rhodesia to Mugabe’s thugs.

Nelson Mandela harnessed the situation by accusing Prime Minister de Klerk of “either complicity or of not caring enough about black deaths” to stop black-on-black violence. The foreign press helped fuse fact with fancy by transmitting this claim, later to be dismissed by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. (That body eventually determined that there was “little evidence of a centrally directed, coherent and formally instituted third force.”) Nevertheless, a constellation of unfavorable circumstances was aligned against Buthelezi, who capitulated in the end.

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Nelson Mandela– was cleverly used as front man and the key to open South Africa’s doors to riches for the globalist powers.

Buthelezi was the intellectual bête noire of the communist ANC — and one of the few leaders in South Africa to mine the Western canon widely and wisely for what it teaches about liberty and the dangers of centralizing political power. He cited with characteristic passion and poignancy, in July 2009, a poem (“The Second Coming”) that W. B. Yeats wrote in January 1919:

Things fall apart; the center cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned …

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F.W De Klerk- after Jan Smuts recorded as one of the worst white traitors to his people who spearheaded the hand over of South Africa to communist rule for his Jew masters. More than 70 000 whites will be brutally attacked and many murdered or thrown into white impoverished hell camps  in the aftermath of his treacherous acts. 

In contrast to what South Africa became, the United States is a country where the constitution was supposed to thwart the tyranny of the majority. This averting was meant to occur by means of a federal structure, in which powers are divided and dispersed between— and within— a central government and the constituent states. Yet the Americans sided with the ANC—the consequence of which has been the raw, ripe rule of the mob and its dominant, anointed party.

 

LIVING IN THE WHITE SQUATTER CAMPS

At one time, it was a rubbish dump, a place where people discarded rubbish. Useless and obsolete objects in their homes and lives that were no longer of any use to them. Broken goods discarded because it became a source of shame. Now its people that have been abandoned on this rubbish dump. Elderly men with wrinkled hands. Children with big eyes … only eyes with no expression. Children who look at what they see, because things around this place are just there, and has no use or meaning.

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A man sitting in a tin shack, which from a distance looks like a typical doghouse on a farm stand, but for this man is a form of shelter. Recently the man was operated on for a hernia and the 13cm long, 5cm wide wound is open. The smell emanating from the infection of septicemia is unbearable. “Did you bring me patches?” He asks. The old man walking beside me said, “I’ll give him another week, it’s the fifth person this year. The wounds become septic and they die, I have witnessed so many.”

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Not far away in another tin shelter, live two elderly 70 year-olds who left behind a life of security and dignity. While he lived in Zimbabwe, he was considered a wealthy man and worked as a plumber. He was driven off his land by black ZANU-PF despots – and could not get assistance in South Africa, now forced into a squatter camp, his only place of survival. His wife cannot walk, just lays down while, suffering from fermenting wounds on the bottom of both her feet. Clinic sisters will not visit this forsaken place. It’s a struggle; the woman needs support to get her into a taxi that can take her to a government hospital. The clinic sisters are not the only ones who choose not to visit this dreadful place. Pointing to another tin shack the man said, “The woman over there, her husband died a while back, the ministers did not want to come here and help. We had to ask a black pastor who works in a field church to help assist with a burial.” People do not come here. People do not go to visit a “scrap heap of souls”.

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Between the stones a bunch of kids play, it’s a hopeless game, a game without purpose or reason. They do not understand basic skills, and when some children learn to count from their mothers who would say, “go get me 3 eggs” or “quickly run to a cafe with this R20 note and buy a loaf of bread. Check that you receive the correct change, “ The others do not know. For in this place, it is seldom that you get three eggs and to hold a twenty-rand note, it is a fortune that they do not know. The only point of this little game is to make them tired so that they can go and sleep.

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The children usually speak Afrikaans while playing their game and it is as though the words they utter are not of this rotten earth. It is not a language that you want to hear upon a dunghill. There is no shade, no trees or shrubs, no fertile soil for vegetables, no water. It’s just the gleaming white sun above them that they observe. Yet they play … It’s the eyes that speak volumes. Large dark pools of blue expectation of which they cannot identify. This is the contradiction, the hard diversity of realities that hits one the deepest when you walk into this place. The inferior huts that are painfully neat and tidy with the handwritten notice on the door: “Knock before you enter”. Not because there is something to hide – because in rubbish dump of human decay nothing can be hidden. Nevertheless, it is the last bit of self-respect and self-esteem there is. In contrast, the loss, shame, and self-respect, is most visible to the children. There are three boys, two with blond hair, and probably brothers, and a dark haired child with a crown and scattered freckles. The three boys scratch in the bin behind the black family’s shack. They do it every morning…

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In front of one of the shelters is an unsteady wooden bench and a little girl is sitting there. The curls of her light brown hair cling to her face and into her neck. Maybe she is three or perhaps six years old. Children do not develop normally stuck in a place like this. Most of the children are older than they appear to be. The little girl is filthy, probably a few days dirt clinging to her body. She coughs as she calls for her mother. “Her mother left here with the Nigerians and will return with food for the baby tonight,” said the old man walking beside me.

Tonight when the mother returns, she will walk over to the clustered shacks and RDP houses where the black people of this place live. At least they have water and toilets. She will beg for a bowl of water to wash off the stench from abusing her body. Everybody is doing it, because running water and toilets promised three years ago, were never delivered. The white people all go and beg for water to drink and wash from the black shantytown.

 

The mother will try to clImage result for arm blankes in suid afrika

ean her body but not the festering ulcer on her mind, there is no cure, it is permanently etched into her mind. The man will die from his wound and the black pastor will bury him near the ashes. He will not be remembered. The little girl who might turn four, or five or six next year does not know what fate beholds her, or how long it will be before the Nigerians rape her or lure her into their prostitution ring. Simply because there is no one who can stop this worsening situation. A person will never return to a rubbish dump to see what he threw away. Perhaps that is the most terrible condemnation of all; nobody comes here to find out what happened to his brothers or sisters that were thrown away.

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I know my colleagues; we have worked together for a long time. We have talked, planned, and shared our ideas, and dreams for our people. Sometimes we cry. For many years, I have known Lenel Cotty Wessels of Front National, who is a business woman, a planner, a doer, a strategist whom I call “my little sister.” She is survivor and manages many difficult situations, but when she called me last night, I could hear that she was emotionally overwhelmed. She drove to that place to check the realities of white poverty. She caught a glimpse of hell on earth.

 

 

SOURCES:

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3821558/The-white-ghettos-blight-South-Africa-20-years-fall-apartheid-white-people-live-squalid-camps-falling-poverty.html

http://dailycaller.com/2017/06/26/the-american-architects-of-the-south-african-catastrophe/

https://southafricatoday.net/south-africa-news/a-glimpse-of-hell-on-earth-where-a-nation-threw-away-their-shame/

 

 

 

 

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